More virulent, however, was the miniseries, Beulah Land. A weak imitation of Gone with the Wind. the program was broadcast in three installments on October 7-9, 1980. This six -hour NBC epic was a Gothic romance set amid plantation life in the South before and after the Civil War. Even before the series was aired, producer David Gerber was the object of considerable controversy. Black organizations were particularly vociferous in calling for cancelation of the series or, at least, considerable moderation of its depiction of slave existence. Although Gerber considerably edited the final version, Beulah Land was filled with stereotyped embodiments of the "old folks at home." In his review for Variety. Morry Roth delineated the production distortions and network insensitivity in the program. Two of the more impressive actors from Roots. Louis Gossett, Jr. and James Earl Jones, also failed in serious dramatic shows in the fall of 1979. In The Lazarus Syndrome. Gossett portrayed a cardiologist, Dr. MacArthur St. Clair, in a medical series intent upon relevancy. Written and co-produced by William Blinn, who had won an Emmy for his writing in Roots. the program ambitiously sought to give Gossett a troubled married life, contacts with temptations that tested his personal honor, and involvement, according to one series official, "more with contemporary issues than with the disease of the week."' Even more sobering was Utley's final comment in which he noted that for most blacks "that elusive thing called the American Dream" was still "an impossible dream." According to Utley, "205 years since Jefferson wrote the Declaration of Independence online roulette canada olympic clothing, 119 years since Lincoln signed the Emancipation Proclamation, and seventeen years since Congress passed the Civil Rights Act, America still remains in many ways two nations, black and white." It was a bleak situation fully understood through a study of the history of African Americans in television. It is plainly insensitive to rub salt in the blacks' slavery wounds with this live cartoon version of history—no matter how correct. There is as much myth-making in history as there is in fiction, and the myths selected for this teleplay look tired and down-at-the heels. All of this "massa" talk and eye-rolling supplication may or may not be the way blacks acted then, but we have now read and seen enough to know that not all of the plantation South was cast out of white Dallas rejects or walking black symbols. Hollywood, in essence, is afraid to see blacks for what they are. It is only the blacks who can tell their own story on screen. Whites cannot tell their story, and since the whites cannot and the blacks are not permitted to, the story has not been told. we are all ultimately the victims of an electronic plantation mentality which filters out the real world and turns its characters into caricatures. The condition of blacks in television by the 1981-1982 season caused Ebony magazine to question whether or not African Americans were being forgotten by white-owned and white-oriented TV. In an article entitled "Has TV Written Off Blacks?" Charles L. Sanders painted a distressing picture of black participation in the most popular medium of entertainment and information. He quoted Charles Floyd Johnson, a black producer with credits on The Rockford Files and the NBC series Bret Maverick. In Johnson's view best x files episodes, TV has abandoned African Americans—except as comedians, historical figures, and sub-characters because "the people who put up the enormous sums of money to make TV series don't believe they can make profits by casting Blacks in any other way—especially in serious, Black-oriented dramas." By the end of the 1981-1982 season, a new balance had been achieved for blacks in network broadcasting. African-American participation was now synthesized somewhere between the expanding and honest involvement of the Golden Age, and the exclusion that was inherent, if not completely realized, in the racial backlash of the 1970s. Significantly, by the early 1980s there were few tangible reasons to expect improvements in this condition. Critical reviews were was immaterial, however, to the search for a successful series spotlighting African-American family life. When Love Is Not Enough aired as a pilot film in June 1978, Variety declared it "a worthwhile family drama that deserves a chance to find an audience. a straight representation of an appealing family unit would seem to be in order to balance the scales that have been veering toward caricature." This TV film told the story of a widower, played by Bernie Casey, who moved his large closely-knit family from Detroit to Los Angeles. The most offensive comedic stereotype, however, appeared in the winter of 1978 on Baby, I'm Back. In this series Demond Wilson portrayed Ray Ellis, a fancy wheeler-dealer who had deserted his wife (played by Denise Nicholas) and children seven years earlier, and now returned to rejuvenate his marriage. Here was black parental irresponsibility. Here was the black hustler, fancy dresser, sweet-talker, and gambler, all punctuated with approving responses from the laugh track. And Ellis—whom Lance Morrow described as "a feckless black creep"'—was all the more glib and attractive when compared to his wife's bumbling new boyfriend (Ed Hall), stiffly attired in his U.S. Marine officer's uniform. Certainly, the general public was at fault. If network television still preferred the minstrel comics and stereotyped black subordinates, was it not because most Americans, specifically non-black Americans, found more enjoyment in stereotyped characterizations than they did in respectful images of African-American men and women? If Uncle Toms, coons, mammies, and pickaninnies still flourished, was it not because the audience served by network video still liked this racial minority presented in the recognizable, minstrel-show style? Was it not comforting to the majority race to believe that the minority was filled with simpletons, servants, and inferiors? Between these two possibilities—the glorification of minstrel conventions and the use of TV as an educative social force—the history of blacks in television had evolved. It had been a story both of significant accomplishments and of massive insensitivity and neglect. But after four decades of promises and platitudes, it seemed clear that little more could be accomplished—either effectively or profoundly—to advance the participation of blacks in white TV unless the industry were radically rearranged. Despite the honorable declarations, the bottom line in this multi‑billion dollar industry remained making money. Some called it greed. Lawrence K. Grossman, the president of PBS slots for money canada olympic medals, argued in 1978 that greed was the motor force of television. "Greed is what runs TV, the avaricious pursuit of ratings, the insane battle to be No. 1, the lust for even higher profits," he contended. This hectic picture was affirmed by the president of NBC-TV, Robert E. Mulholland, when he claimed that "in competing for audiences, the networks right now are in the most frantic horserace since Ben Hur. Win, place or show, the results are no longer predictable from season to season." The following year this pilot begat the series, Harris and Company. again starring Casey. Again, the series received positive reviews. Variety. for example, called it a "straight and dignified representation of a black family unit. with every indication that [it] could hold an audience." But with little promotion and apparently less concern about the fate of the program, NBC unceremoniously dropped four episodes of Harris and Company into its spring schedule and canceled the show. A sensitive family drama that needed network nurturing, it was scheduled ironically opposite The Waltons (ranked number thirty-seven that year), and Mork and Mindy (ranked number three). As expected, Harris and Company was a ratings disaster. Its average rating of 7.6—and ranking as number 112—made it the least-popular regular series for the entire 1978-1979 season. Disappointment in the black creative community was keen. Actor-director Georg Stanford Brown expressed confusion when in 1979 he told Tony Brown's Journal. "I don't know. I have no answer because I've seen the representation of black people on all the series television as diminishing over the past three years." A year earlier, several black industry executives revealed their dismay. Stanley Robertson, a producer with Universal Television, complained that "because of the preponderance of comedy slot machine games double 7s, the American people have got the idea that black people are funny. except for Roots we haven't had the opportunity to see blacks get emotionally involved." Charles F. Johnson, a co-producer with The Rockford Files, lamented that "television to me is behind the times. There are so many prototypes who can serve as models for television." While The Sophisticated Gents lacked the overtly rebellious quality of Van Peebles' cinematic achievement, the miniseries was unprecedented on TV. Even NBC seemed cautious with the program, since it had been completed more than two years before it was telecast. In terms of attracting viewers, however, the production did poorly. It earned an average 11.1 rating and a 19.0 share—this compared to the 23.2 and 36 gained earlier by Beulah Land. and the 32.6 and 51 earned a year earlier by Shogun. In fact, the only miniseries in the 1980-1981 season to fare worse than Sophisticated Gents were reruns of Beggarman, Thief and Roots: The Next Generations. the latter producing a dismal 7.0 rating and a 15 share. Some suggested that the only way television would act responsibly toward blacks was when minorities infiltrated the creative aspects—as writers, directors, producers, and top executives—of programming and turn their sensibilities into policies. But there were only slight inroads made in this direction. Norman Lear and Bud Yorkin, for example, sought black writers for their programs. Illunga Adell was one of their earliest black writers for Sanford and Son. Other African-American writers in Hollywood included Lonne Elder III, Cecil Brown, Eric Monte, and China Clark. Yet as of 1981, the number of blacks writing for TV and motion pictures was small. Of the 5,569 members of the Writer's Guild that year, only 65 were black (1.2 percent); and of the 1 pokies 50 lions,540 writers who earned a weekly salary, only 4 were black (0.26 percent). It was a situation which prompted Cecil Brown to conclude, Despite positive reviews, audiences seemed unwilling to accept a black heart surgeon and his human predicaments. The Lazarus Syndrome received poor ratings and was canceled after six broadcasts. It was replaced on ABC by Hart to Hart. a white detective program that completed the season with respectable ratings and continued in primetime for four more years. Further, another medical drama, Trapper John, M.D.. premiered the same month as the Gossett series. It ended the 1979-1980 season as the twentieth most popular series with a 21.2 Nielsen rating and remained on CBS for another six TV seasons. The Lazarus Syndrome. however, earned only a 16.2 rating and was ranked sixty-fourth. By the early 1980s, there was a growing concern among blacks that they had hit their peak in nonfiction TV, and that progress toward fully integrating television news would remain incomplete. According to an ABC News special Viewpoint. aired July 23, 1981, after more than a decade blacks had made little headway in reaching the upper echelons of network news. Of the nineteen senior-producer executive positions in network TV news, none was held by an African American. In fact, few blacks were even in line for such jobs. As of that date only twenty-eight of 625 employees (4.5 percent) in the network producer corps were black. Of this number, ten of 219 were at CBS (4.6 percent), six of 206 (2.9 percent) were at ABC, and approximately twelve of two hundred (6 percent) were at NBC. And of the total, the highest ranking was a news bureau chief, Frieda Williamson, employed by NBC in Chicago. Other figures suggest that more than short-sighted decisions in the late 1960s and 1970s account for the contemporary frustration felt by blacks in television news. Had the networks really desired to integrate their operations, African Americans would have been hired specifically for executive operations. Further, during the late 1970s and early 1980s free casino 777 slots casino circus circus, according to the report on Viewpoint. there was no appreciable increase in the number of blacks reporting the news on network TV. Although the total number of reporters rose, there remained only eighteen or twenty black network correspondents. New minority reporters were being hired essentially as replacements for those who left for other jobs. To some, this suggested an overt pattern of racial discrimination. In the words of Renee Poussaint, a black anchorwoman at WJLA-TV in Washington, D.C., The Southern racial experience was also the focus of Freedom Road. a poorly-received but conscientious filming of Howard Fast's novel about an emancipated slave elected to the South Carolina legislature following the Civil War. When it aired on NBC on October 29-30, 1979, Muhammad Ali starred as the freedman-senator who was exploited and abused by whites during the Reconstruction. The series reappeared the following spring for eleven weeks. Now with the shorter title, Palmerstown. the program sometimes dealt exclusively with problems of the white family, playing down or avoiding altogether the racial tension built into the format. By mid-1981, however, Palmerstown was an anachronism. With The Waltons canceled and with Roots relegated to the status of an edited-down afternoon movie, the optimistic energies which had created such a series were exhausted. In ratings that made Dallas, 60 Minutes, The Dukes of Hazzard. and The Love Boat the top shows of the 1980-1981 season, there seemed to be little room for a rural melodrama with racial overtones. You'll never know what it's like to watch your children or your parents not be able to reach their goals. You'll never know what it's like to see them so frustrated they give up and leave you. You'll never have a part of your human dignity taken because of your color. And that's what it's like to be black. Few television dramas featuring black characters have been as humanly moving and racially unexploited as Sister, Sister. aired June 7, 1982 on NBC. Written by Maya Angelou, this made-for-TV film drew from many standard black social institutions—religion, civil rights, family, and the return to ancestral roots in the South. But Sister, Sister was primarily a mature drama about three adult sisters, affected in differing ways by the memory of their stern deceased father, who are reunited when one of the sisters returns after years to their family house in a small Southern town. On commercial network TV mobile karma cell phone, there were several notable developments related to blacks. Newscasters Bryant Gumbel and Ed Bradley earned distinction in their craft, Gumbel as a new anchorperson on NBC's Today show no deposit bonus august 2016, and Bradley as a correspondent on 60 Minutes and as a reporter on several significant documentaries. Cicely Tyson appeared in yet another historic role, this time as Chicago school teacher Marva Collins, battling insensitive bureaucrats and skeptical parents to teach her ghetto pupils. In The Marva Collins Story. seen on CBS on December 1, 1981, Tyson not only struck a familiar chord with her return to biographical drama, but her portrayal of Collins refusing to take government funds and attacking governmental regulations and bureaucracy clearly tied this made-for-TV film to the anti-regulatory and anti-government ideology of the Reagan presidency. Perhaps in this stressful atmosphere it was unrealistic to have expected commercial television to be fair to minority Americans while serving the demands of its predominately white mass audience, as measured by the Nielsen ratings. Television utilizes the public airwaves, it may be argued, hence the necessity to serve the people—all the people. But until the 1980s TV was a medium of broadcasting. It aimed broadly, at the largest viewership possible. Moral concepts such as "Conscience," "Obligation," "Fairness," and "Trust" might have been operative during obscure hours in the video day, but in primetime—where the meaningful ratings are obtained, where advertising rates are the highest and profits are maximized—the competitive nature of U.S. broadcasting mitigated against programming not intended to deliver the largest possible audiences. But what made The Sophisticated Gents an iconoclastic television experience was the sexuality—especially the interracial sexuality—which marked the production. Included in the program were two graphic bedroom scenes between a black man and a white woman. There was also black homosexuality and interracial marriage and kissing in the miniseries. Van Peebles admitted that he considered the program the TV equivalent of his revolutionary movie, Sweet Sweetback's Baadasssss Song. which in 1971 broke conventions by projecting a black man as a sensual, rebellious android blackjack 07, aggressive urban hero—a film that ended with the warning, emblazoned across the screen in large letters, "A BAADASSSSS NIGGER IS COMING BACK TO COLLECT SOME DUES." Ironically, minority success in one area of entertainment, professional sports, began in 1982 to threaten their appearance on television. When the chief scout for the Pittsburgh Pirates announced that his baseball team had to recruit young white players because "we're not going to be able to play nine blacks," he was speaking of the loss of support by white sports fans when open competition results in the domination of a professional team by black (Latino players being considered black by fans) players. Like today, two versions of roulette were popular around the turn of the 17th century. The Italians played a game named Hoka, in which players rolled a ball into one of 40 holes or cups. Players won if the ball landed in their hole, but the house won if it fell in any of the three cups numbered "zero". The English version of the game produces the first evidence of odds and evens that are still used in modern roulette. There were 42 holes on a circular table - 20 odds online casino bonus no deposit blog, 20 evens, and two for the house. High/Low Bet. A high bet is a wager placed on numbers 19-36, while a low bet is on numbers 1-18. Known as "passé" and "manqué" in French. A bet on a column or the outside dozen (12 numbers) pays 2:1 Roulette is a casino table game in which players compete against the house. The aim of the game is to predict which slot the ball will fall into - it is that simple, there is no catch. The average roulette table at a land-based casino will have space for up to eight players, although these distinctions don't matter at online casinos. The croupier (or dealer) accepts wagers, spins the roulette wheel and then organizes payouts depending on where the ball landed. This is true for both European Roulette, where there are 37 slots (36 numbers and zero) and American Roulette, where there are 38 slots (with an extra one for double zero). The James Bond strategy is named so because it was invented by 007 creator Ian Fleming, who claimed the system was "Foolproof". This strategy is only for the bigger spenders, as it requires a minimum of $200. As opposed to the other systems, it goes for the column bets rather than the even-money bets. The idea is to place 70% of your money on high numbers, 25% on low numbers and 10% on the 0 (works only in European Roulette) for insurance. There is no guarantee of winning, but the odds seem to be in your favour - if you hit high or 0, you've won, but if you hit low then you've lost and should turn to another strategy. A corner bet on four numbers pays 8:1. Even Bet. A wager placed on all the even numbers on the table. Known as "pair" in French. A straight-up bet on one number only is paid out at 36:1 (or 37:1 or 38:1 if there is no house advantage). Column Bet. A bet placed on a vertical column of 12 possible numbers (1-12, 13-24, 25-36). Winning bets are paid out at odds of 2:1. Also known as a "dozen bet", the French have a word for a bet on the last dozen numbers ("derniere") and first dozen numbers ("premiere 12"). Prior to each spin, players may place bets on any one number or group of numbers (such as lines, columns or corners), or on other options such as red or black (representing half the numbers each but not zero), odd or even (again, representing half the numbers each but not zero) and high or low (representing 1-18 or 19-36). Just before the ball drops, the croupier or online casino will inform you that they are not taking any more bets. The Martingale is probably the most-used roulette strategy, as it relies on doubling bets after a loss to recoup previous losses. The strategy works on the philosophy that roulette is a 50/50 game of chance - if you only bet on a single color (red or black) and keep doubling your bets until you win, then once you win you are sure to recover all your losses. While this strategy has sound mathematic reasoning behind it, there are risks involved - if you choose black, red could keep coming up, and everyone has a limit to what they are willing to spend in pursuit of that black. Even Money Bet. Any wager that pays out at odds of 1:1. This could be any of red or black, odd or even, high or low. Split Bet. An inside bet covering two numbers ("Cheval"). Double Zero. Alternative name for American Roulette table. If you have a question or a problem that’s not that urgent, then you can also try to figure it out on your own, using the FAQ section of the site you’re playing at. 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